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Part I: The Female Labor Force and Female Employment in North America

The Female Labor Force in North America

Women’s participation in the labor force

As shown in Graph 1, in 1996, the North American female labor force consisted of 61.9 million women in the United States (or 77 percent of the total female labor force in North America); 11.6 million in Mexico (14.5 percent of the total) and 6.8 million in Canada (8.5 percent of the total).

Graph 1
Distribution of the Female Labor Force in North America, 1996
Note: For Canada and Mexico, the data includes female workers 15 years and older; for the United States, figures include female workers 16 years and older.
Source: Canada, Statistics Canada, Labour Force Survey; Mexico, STP/INEGI, Encuesta Nacional de Empleo; United States, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Current Population Survey.

The rate of participation of women in the labor force increased substantially in all three countries. Mexico had the greatest increases, with the female participation rate rising from 27.8 percent in 1984 to 37.4 percent in 1996. In Canada, the female participation rate increased from 54.0 percent to 57.6 percent in the same period. In the United States, the female participation rate has increased more rapidly than in Canada but less rapidly than in Mexico, rising from 53.6 percent in 1984 to 59.3 in 1996. In Mexico and the United States, the rate of participation of women displayed continuous growth throughout the period, while in Canada it grew until 1993 and has since remained almost constant.(Graphs 2 and 2A)

The growth of female participation rates is reflected in the greater female role in the overall labor force of the three countries. The highest growth has been reported in Mexico. Between 1984 and 1996, the Mexican female labor force increased by 84 percent, from 6.3 million to 11.6 million workers, which amounted to an increase in the female share of the total labor force from an initial 27.5 percent in 1984 to 32.8 percent by the end of this period. In Canada from 1984 to 1996, the proportion of women in the total labor force increased from 42 percent to 45.2 percent. In the same period, the share of women in the United States labor forces rose from 43.8 percent to 46.2 percent.

Women’s participation in the labor force is expected to continue to grow in North America during the next decade. In Canada, projections for the period 1996-2005 predict that the female labor force will increase at an annual rate of 1.7 percent, which would increase the female share in the total labor force from 45.2 percent in 1996 to 46.3 percent in the year 20053. In the United States, according to projections for 1996-2006, the female labor force is expected to increase by 1.3 percent each year, increasing women’s share in the total labor force from 46.2 percent in 1996 to 47 percent in the year 20064. In Mexico, the female labor force aged 12 years and more is projected to increase at annual rate of 2.8 percent during the period 1996-2005, increasing its share in the total labor force from 34.5 percent in 1996 to 38.5 percent by the end of the period5.

The rate of female participation in the three countries varies with age. In general terms, in all three countries the highest rates of participation occur in the 25 to 44 age group. Specifically, the highest rate occurs in the 35 to 44 age group in Canada and the United States, and in the 25 to 34 age group in Mexico. As shown in Graph 3, with the exception of people aged 65 or over, participation levels are lower for all age groups in Mexico. In Canada and the United States, the younger age groups show similar characteristics; however, higher participation rates by women aged 45 or older are seen in the United States.

As shown in Graph 4, higher rates of increase in the participation of women in the labor force occurred in Canada and Mexico from the late 1970’s to 1996. During the late 1970’s the participation rates for all groups of ages for these countries were lower than those for the United States. In Canada from 1976 to 1996, the highest increases were reported for women between the ages of 25 and 54 years, while in the United States, the most noteworthy increases have occurred among women in the older end of that range, between the ages of 35 and 54. In Mexico between 1979 and 1996, female participation increased in all age groups, with the greatest growth in participation by women aged 25 to 54. Compared to the situation two decades ago, today more women participate in the labor force during their reproductive years in all three countries.

Factors in the participation of women in the labor force

Among the factors that have contributed to the increasing participation of women in the labor force are the improvement of educational levels among the female population, the economic need for women to contribute to family income, more part-time job opportunities for women and the reduction in the fertility rate. The latter has been a particularly important factor in Mexico, which in the last 25 years has experienced a substantial reduction in the rate of fertility. There is also an interaction among these factors; for example, the level of education influences fertility rates.

Women have improved their levels of education in all three countries. In Canada, the average period of education for women aged 15 or more increased from 10 years in 1976 to 12.2 years in 1996; in Mexico, the educational level of women aged 15 or more increased from an average of 6.2 years in 1991 to seven years in 1996; in the United States, the average years of education for women over the age of 25 increased from 12.1 years in 1970 to 12.8 years in 1995.

There is a close relationship between educational levels and female participation in the labor force in all three North American countries6. For example in Canada, the participation rate of women with university degrees stood at 80.3 percent in 1996, while the figure for women with eight or fewer years of education was 18 percent. In Mexico in 1996, the participation rate for women with university education was 63.1 percent and 29 percent for those with six years of education or less. The rate of participation for women with a college degree in the United States was 76 percent compared to 21.9 percent for those with less than one year of high school in 1996. Although the rate of participation for men is also linked positively to education level, the disparity is less pronounced among men. This is especially true in Mexico, where the participation rate for men with university level accounted for 84.7 percent in 1996 while the rate for men with an average of six years of education or less was 78.4 percent. For Canada, men’s participation stood at 85.1 percent for those with university degrees and 37.6 percent for those with eight or less years of education. In the United States, figures stood at 85.1 percent for men with college graduates and 46.1 percent for men with less than one year of high school. Thus education correlates more strongly with participation in the labor force among women than among men in all three countries.

The need to bolster family income has also affected the participation of women in the labor force. This situation is demonstrated by the increasing participation of married and divorced women in the labor force. As shown in Table 1, the percentage of married and divorced women in the total female labor force has risen substantially in Canada and in Mexico. Table 2 shows that the greatest increases in participation rates of women by marital status have occurred among married women. This was true in all three countries, but Canada and the United States had the greatest increases. The rate of participation of married women in the labor force rose by 18 percentage points between 1976 and 1996 in Canada and by 16 percentage points between 1976 and 1995 in the United States. In Mexico, it increased by about five percentage points between 1991 and 1996.

Table 1 Distribution of Female Labor Force by Marital
Status in North America
(% of total)
Canada Mexico United States
1976 1996 1991 1996 1976 1996
Single 30.5 25.4 47.0 41.0 24.8 25.6
Married 60.6 64.2 40.5 45.1 56.8 54.4
Divorced 5.2 8.6 6.1 7.9 18.4 20.0
Widowed 3.7 1.8 6.4 6.0 - -
Notes: For Canada, the data refer to women 15 years and older; for Mexico data refer to women 12 years and older. The figure for married women includes those couples living together but not married; divorced includes those separated from their husbands; for the United States, it refers to women 16 years and older. For the United States the data for divorced and widowed women are combined.
Source: Canada, Statistics Canada, Labour Force Survey; Mexico, STP/INEGI, Encuesta Nacional de Empleo; United States, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Current Population Survey.

Table 2 Female Participation Rate by Marital Status in North America
Canada Mexico United States
1976 1996 1991 1996 1976 1996
Total 45.6 57.6 31.5 34.8 47.3 58.9
Single 58.9 63.6 37.5 38.4 59.2 65.5
Married 43.5 61.6 25.5 30.3 45.1 61.1
Divorced 59.5 64.7 61.6 65.8 71.4 73.7
Widowed 18.9 11.4 27.1 30.7 22.3 17.5
Notes: Figures represent the percentage of women in the labor force for each marital status. For Canada, the data refer to the population 15 years and older; for Mexico, data refer to women 12 years and older; for the United States data refer to women 16 years and older; for the United States, the data for married women refer only to those whose husbands are present.
Source: Canada, Statistics Canada, Labour Force Survey; Mexico, STPS/INEGI, Encuesta Nacional de Empleo; United States, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Current Population Survey.

As a result of the increasing participation of married women in the labor force, their contribution to total family income has increased. For example, in Canada, married women’s contribution to total family income increased from 29 percent in 1989 to 31 percent in 19927. In the United States, married women’s share of total family earnings increased from 32 percent in 1987 to 34.1 percent in 1995. In Mexico in 1994, women’s income accounted for 18 percent of total household income8.

The increasing availability of part-time jobs for women has also influenced participation rates since part-time jobs allow women additional flexibility to balance work and family obligations. (See section on part-time employment).

As regards the fertility rate, the average number of children per woman has decreased in each of the three countries, most significantly in Mexico (Table 3). In Canada, the 1970 figure of 2.3 children per woman had fallen to 1.6 by 1995; in the United States, this figure fell from 1.6 in 1970, to 1.2 children in 1994.9 Meanwhile, Mexico has recorded the greatest fertility rate reduction. This figure dropped from an average of 6.6 children per woman in 1970 to 3.1 children per woman in 1996.10 The decline in the fertility rate has taken place in a relatively shorter period of time and more recently in Mexico than occurred in Canada and the United States.11

The number of children and the age of children are factors that influence the rate of participation of women in the labor force. In Mexico, women with six or more children have a lower rate of participation (25.8 percent in 1996) than women with one or two children (40.4 percent). In the United States, the rate of participation of women with children of less than six years of age stood at 62.3 percent in 1996, while the rate was 77.2 percent for those with older children (between six and 17 years).12 In the same year the figures stood at 59 percent for Canadian women with the youngest children (less than age six), while the rate of participation increased to 69.9 percent for women with children between six and 15 years of age.13

Female Employment in North America

As shown in Graph 5, during the period 1984 to 1996 female employment increased at a higher rate than male employment in each of the countries of North America. In Canada, female employment grew by 29.5 percent, in comparison with a 13.1 percent figure for men. In the United States, female employment increased by 27.4 percent, as compared to 15.4 percent for males. In Mexico, female employment underwent the greatest growth in North America, with an 83 percent rise, while male employment levels rose by 44.5 percent. Due to the differential growth rates, the ratio of employed men to women between 1984 and 1996 was reduced from 1.4:1 to 1.2:1 in Canada; from 2.6:1 to 2.1:1 in Mexico and from 1.3:1 to 1.2:1 in the United States.

The increasing participation of women in economic activities during this period had a significant influence upon overall employment growth in the three countries. In the case of Canada, 62 percent of the increase in total employment reported for the 1984 to 1996 period was attributable to the growth in female employment. During the same period, in the United States, female employment accounted for 58 percent of total employment growth; in Mexico, the figure was 42 percent.

Age distribution of female employment

The distribution of female employment by age group indicates significant differences among the countries of North America. As may be observed in Graph 6, Mexico has the youngest age structure, characterized by relatively high participation of females between the ages of 15 and 24. In 1996, 28.1 percent of Mexican female workers were within this age range, while in Canada, the share of this age group stood at 15.9 percent; the figure for the United States was 15.2 percent for female workers between the ages of 16 and 24. The United States had the highest proportion among the three countries of employed women in the highest age group (55 years and over), indicating that the age at which women retire from employment is higher in the United States. Canada had the highest proportion of the three countries in the middle age groups (25 to 44 years). The differing demographic profile of Mexico, where the population is significantly younger than in Canada and the United States, is an important factor in the age distribution of employment.

In comparison with the age structure of female employment in 1984, the share of the youngest age group in total female employment has fallen in all three countries while the share for women between the ages of 25 and 54 has increased, most notably in Canada (Graph 6A). The reduction of the share of the youngest age group may be due to longer female school attendance as well as to the relative aging of the population of all three countries, while the increment experienced by the middle groups may be explained additionally by the increasing participation of married women in the labor force.

Female employment by class of worker

As shown in Graph 7, female employment in North America is mainly wage and salary based ("employees.") However, this characteristic is far more common in Canada and the United States, where more than 90 percent of female workers received wages or salaries in 1996. In Mexico in the same year, the proportion was 60.1 percent. In all three countries wage and salaried employment is slightly more common among women than among men. For example, in the United States, the share of female wage and salaried workers in total female employment accounted for 93 percent in 1996, while the share for males stood at 90 percent. The figures for Canada were 90 percent for women and 87.5 for men, and 60.1 percent and 58 percent, respectively, for Mexico.

In Mexico, self-employment and unpaid family work account for a considerable proportion of total employment. In 1996, the shares of these categories in total female employment were 23 percent and 16.9 percent, respectively. In the same year, in Canada female self-employment accounted for 9.2 percent of total female employment and unpaid workers accounted for 0.7 percent. In the United States, the proportions were 6.7 percent and 0.2 percent, respectively. In Mexico, the situation is partly explained by the presence of a large number of women in the primary sector (especially farming) which is characterized by relatively high levels of unpaid family workers and self-employment. In 1996, 67 percent of female employment in the primary sector in Mexico was unpaid and 13 percent fell into the self-employment category.

It should be noted that in Canada from 1984 to 1996 and in Mexico from 1991 to 1996, female self-employment increased substantially as a share of total female employment, while the proportion of wage and salaried workers decreased. The reduction of wage and salaried workers in both countries may be associated with the lower participation of women in the manufacturing sector, where wage and salaried workers account for a large share of employment. The growth of female self-employment in Mexico is mainly a result of increasing female employment in retail trade, where self-employment is very common, especially in the informal sector. In Canada, the growth of this category is due primarily to the increase in female employment in social and personal services, which accounted for 68 percent of total female self-employment in 1996.

Distribution of female employment by sector

In North America, female workers are mainly employed in the service sector (social, personal and professional services,14 trade, financial and real estate services, government and transportation and communications). In 1996, for every 10 working women in Canada and the United States, 8.6 were employed in the service sector; the same year, the ratio in Mexico stood at 7.2 of every 10 working women.

In each the three countries, female employment in the service sector is largely concentrated in the area of social, personal and professional services (above all, in activities related to healthcare and education) and in retail trade. However, there are differences between the countries as regards participation in each of these activities.

With respect to employment in social, personal and professional services, Canada has the highest proportion, with a total of 51.4 percent of female employment in 1996. The United States ranks second with 47.6 percent, followed by Mexico with 38.2 percent. In the case of retail trade, Mexico had a rate of 21.3 percent of female employment in 1996, followed by the United States with 18.8 percent, and then by Canada with a figure of 14 percent for the same year.

Although the proportion of women employed in retail trade is high in the three countries, there are differences in the type of trade establishments where women are concentrated. In the United States, women are mainly employed in formal trade establishments15 such as eating and drinking places, department stores and grocery stores. In 1996, 60 percent of total female employment in retail trade was concentrated in these establishments. In Mexico, the majority of female employment in retail trade is also in formal establishments. In 1996, 58 percent of female employment in retail trade was formal. However, between 1991 and 1996 there was a substantial increase in the share of women employed in informal trade in moving establishments such as markets and on the streets. During this period the share of women employed in informal trade as a proportion of total female employment in retail trade increased from 20.2 percent to 42 percent.

Mexico also has a large number of women participating in the agriculture and fishing sector (as seen in Graph 8). In 1996, 10.3 percent of Mexican female labor was employed in such activities, while in Canada and the United States these percentages stood at only 2.6 percent and 1.5 percent, respectively.

As regards female employment in the manufacturing sector, Graph 8 shows that Mexico has the highest share, with a 1996 figure of 16.9 percent of total female employment engaged in that sector. The United States follows with 11.2 percent and Canada reports a figure of 9.5 percent for the same year. The higher participation of women in the Mexican manufacturing sector is partially explained by the significant role played by female workers in the in-bond export industries, the "maquiladoras." In 1996, there were 358,145 female workers in the maquiladoras, a figure that amounts to approximately 58 percent of total workers in the maquiladora industry and 18.5 percent of total female labor in manufacturing during that year.

As shown in Graph 9, the structure of female employment within the manufacturing sector in the three countries is characterized by both similarities and differences. All three countries have relatively high shares of female manufacturing employment in the garment, food processing and electrical products and machinery industries. In Canada, these industries accounted for 36.6 percent of total female manufacturing employment in 1996. The proportion of female manufacturing employment in the same industries was 62.9 percent in Mexico and 29.5 percent in the United States in 1996.

Of the industries where female manufacturing workers are concentrated, women constitute the majority of the workforce in one " the garment industry " in all three countries. In Canada, approximately 74 percent of total employment inthis sector was held by female workers; the figures for Mexico and the United States were 66.8 percent and 70.1 percent, respectively for the same year. By contrast, in the food processing and electrical products and machinery industries men hold the majority of jobs.

Graph 9 also shows that in contrast to Mexico, female employment in the manufacturing sector is more diversified in Canada and the United States. In addition to the foregoing activities, the participation of women is also significant in Canada and the United States in the paper, printing and allied industries, in the metal, machinery and transportation equipment industries, and in chemicals and allied industries.16 In 1996, this group of industries accounted for 48 percent of total female employment in the manufacturing sector in Canada and 51.4 percent in the United States, while in Mexico the figure was 19 percent. Nonetheless, men hold most jobs in these industries. For example, in the United States the share of women in the metal, machinery and transportation equipment industries total employment was 23 percent in 1996; in the same year the figure for Canada was 18 percent and 27.9 percent for Mexico.

Changes in the structure of female employment by sector and industry

In all three countries female employment was characterized by increased participation in the service sector and a corresponding reduction in the manufacturing sector over the period from 1984 to 1996.17 A similar pattern was also noted in male employment in these countries.

The largest share of total growth in employment for women in each of the countries was in social, personal and in the professional services (particularly services related to healthcare and education) and in the retail trade industry. In Canada, the increase in social, personal and professional services explained 69 percent of the growth in total female employment between 1984 and 1996, while retailing accounted for 9.9 percent of growth. In the same period in the United States, 65.8 percent of the increase in female employment was linked to social, personal and professional services employment, and 13.9 percent to retailing. In Mexico, female employment growth between 1991 and 1996 was mainly the result of an increase in retail trade employment (which explained 25.5 percent of total growth), followed by the growth of employment in social, personal and professional services, which accounted for 21.3 percent of total employment growth. The latter was especially characterized by the growth of female employment in domestic services.

Regarding changes in the structure of employment within the manufacturing sector, all three countries showed a reduction of women’s employment share in activities in which women traditionally have accounted for a high proportion of employment. For example, in Canada, Mexico and the United States, female participation in the garment industry diminished. In Mexico, female participation in the food industry also declined. On the other hand, increases have been reported in industries in which men traditionally have played a predominant role, such as the paper, printing and allied industries. In Canada and the United States, female participation in the chemical and related products and the metallic, machinery and transportation equipment manufacturing industries has also increased. In Mexico, the participation of women in the manufacture of electrical products and machinery also increased between 1991 and 1996.

Female occupational categories

Female occupational categories in the countries of North America are fairly similar; in Canada, Mexico and the United States the occupations most frequently held by women are related to clerical, personal and social services, professional and sales activities. Leading occupations in all three countries involve education (teachers), healthcare (nurses), and posts such as clerks and secretaries, salespersons and service personnel in restaurants and cleaning activities. Despite these broad similarities, there are some notable differences concerning the proportion of women in these occupations in each country.

As shown in Graph 10, Canada and the United States have fairly similar occupational structures or women. In these countries, the main occupations for women (in order of employment share) are those linked to clerical work, professional positions, personal and social services and administrative and managerial positions. In 1996, almost eight of every ten women workers in Canada and the United States were engaged in one of these occupations. With respect to occupations associated with clerical activities, positions such as secretary and accounting assistant were particularly noteworthy, while teachers and nurses account for a large proportion of women’s professional employment. In the case of services, the most frequent occupations were those of waitress, nursing assistant, hairdresser, cosmetologist and cleaning personnel. The most common female managerial occupations were in hotel and restaurant administration.

In the United States, almost one of every ten female workers was either a teacher or nurse in 1996; in Canada that same year, 1.6 of every ten women workers was engaged in occupations related to healthcare or education. The largest difference between the female occupational structures of the United States and Canada was that the number of professional women as a proportion of total employment was higher in Canada, at 21.6 percent in 1996, while this figure stood at 17.1 percent in the United States.

In Mexico, the participation of women in occupations related to social and personal services, clerical support and professions such as teaching and nursing is also high. In 1996, these occupations accounted for 44.4 percent of total female employment. However, in comparison with Canada and the United States, the proportion of women workers employed as salespersons, farmers and industrial workers is significantly higher. In 1996, nearly half (49.8 percent) of all female workers in Mexico were in one of these occupations. In Canada and the United States during the same year, the share for the same occupations stood at 17.8 percent and 21.3 percent, respectively.

Changes in the female occupational structure

From 1984 to 1996, professional and managerial occupations increased rapidly in Canada and the United States as a share of female employment. During this period, these occupations accounted for 58.8 percent of total female employment growth in the United States and 67 percent in Canada. In both countries occupations such as teaching, nursing and restaurant administration continued to exhibit high growth rates, although an increase has also been reported in those professions related to mathematics, computer science, engineering and the natural sciences, areas in which male participation has been dominant. In the United States, the share of women in these occupations in total female employment increased from 0.8 percent in 1984 to 1.3 percent in 1996. In Canada, female employment in natural science, engineering and mathematics occupations increased from 1.4 percent to 1.8 percent of total female employment in the same period.

In Mexico, those occupations requiring lower levels of qualifications were subject to the highest growth rates, such as those involving sales, especially in small-scale commerce and the sale of foodstuffs on the streets. Between 1991 and 1996, almost 46 percent of the total growth of female employment was in sales occupations. In comparison to Canada and the United States, the proportion of females employed as industrial workers increased in Mexico. This was mainly a result of employment growth in the maquiladora industry, in which women have a large proportion of total employment. An increase was also reported for professional and managerial occupations; however, the proportion of this occupational group among women workers in Mexico in 1996, at 10.9 percent, is significantly lower than in Canada (35.3 percent) and the United States (30.4 percent).

It should be noted that in Canada and the United States, managerial and professional occupations report increasingly similar levels for both men and women. However, with the exception of teaching, in Mexico these positions are still largely filled by men.

Another change in female employment by occupation in the three countries is the decreasing participation of female workers in clerical occupations. However, this occupationalgroup is still one of the main sources of employment for women, especially in Canada and the United States.

Part-time female employment

In North America, part-time work accounts for a higher proportion of female employment than is the case for men. In 1996, 1.8 million Canadian women were engaged in part-time work, meaning that for every 10 female workers, three were employed in part-time positions. Meanwhile, for men this ratio stood at one part-time worker for every 10 male workers. The same year, the United States had the lowest proportion of part-time female employment, at 2.7 of every 10 women, while the ratio for men stood at one in ten.18 In Mexico the proportion of part-time female employment is the highest, at 3.9 of every ten women in 1996. A ratio of two of every 10 male workers was reported for the same period. The relatively large proportion of unpaid female employment in Mexico influences the figure for that country, since most unpaid workers work part time. In 1996, 60.6 percent of unpaid women workers had part-time jobs. If these workers are subtracted, the ratio of female part-time employment in Mexico decreases to 3.1 of each ten workers, similar to the Canadian figure.

As shown in Graph 11, between 1990 and 1996, part-time employment for women in Canada grew more quickly (14.4 percent) than full-time employment (3.1 percent). A similar trend was reported in Mexico up until 1995; but the recovery of economic activity that took place in 1996 led to a significant increase in full-time employment, together with a slight decrease in part-time work (Graph 12). In the United States, full-time employment of women grew at a higher rate than part-time employment until 1993. As of 1994, a marked increase in part-time work was noted (Graph 13). This shift is probably explained by the 1994 redesign of the Current Population Survey (CPS), since definition of part-time was changed (See Appendix B).

In all three countries, most part-time female employment is characterized as voluntary, for personal reasons such as taking care of family needs or attending school. In Canada, 71.3 percent of part-time female employment was considered voluntary in 1996. During the same year in Mexico, this proportion stood at 93.1 percent, while the corresponding figure in the United States was 86 percent. It is worth pointing out that this situation is not unique to women, since most part-time work among males is also considered voluntary; however the rates reported for men are lower. For example in 1996, the share of voluntary part-time work among men working part-time in Canada stood at 58.8 percent, in the same year the figures for Mexico and the United States were 74.8 and 70.3 percent, respectively.

Although female part-time employment is mainly voluntary, the share of part-time employment for involuntary reasons, that is for economic reasons, in total part-time employment has substantially increased in Canada since 1990, simultaneously with a substantial increase in female unemployment (Graph 14). In Mexico, the share of involuntary part-time work by women increased slightly between 1991 and 1995; then it decreased substantially in 1996 to 16.7 percent from 25.2 percent in 1995. In the United States, the proportion of involuntary part-time employment in total part-time employment has shown an overall declining trend. The substantial reduction in the United States since 1994 may be a result of the economic recovery, but also might be influenced by a modification in the definition of involuntary part-time in 1994.19 Similar trends are observed among men in the three countries, except in Mexico in 1996; involuntary part-time employment among men continued to increase, while it declined among women.

Working hours

The fact that part-time work is more common among women than among men in all three countries is also reflected in lower average weekly hours worked by women (Graph 15). The highest average working hours for women are found in Mexico, with a weekly average of 36.7 hours in 1996. 20 In the United States, the average is 35.7 hours, followed by Canada, with 32.5 hours per week. During the same year, the average number of hours worked by men in these countries stood at 44.7, 42.3 and 40.7 hours per week, respectively. Although overall average working hours for women are affected by the high proportion of women working part time, when comparisons are made using only hours worked in full-time jobs it continues to be the case that average working hours for women are lower than average working hours for men.

For example in Canada, female full-time workers worked an average of 40 hours a week compared with 44.3 hours for male full-time workers.21 In the United States, average hours of work for women working full-time stood at 41 hours a week in 1996, while the figure for men was 44.9 hours.

In each of the three countries, a considerable dispersion of female employment has been noted with regard to the number of hours worked. In general, the percentage of female employment falling outside the standard hour range (between 40 and 48 hours a week) is greater than for males. For example, in Canada the share of female workers working less than 40 hours a week stood at 60 percent, while the figure for men was only 25.8 percent in 1996. In the same year, the figures for the United States were 44 percent for women and 23.5 percent for men; in Mexico, the share for female employment stood at 47.6 percent, while the figure for men was 25.3 percent.

As shown in Graph 16, there are some differences among the three countries with respect to the distribution of female employment by working hours. A larger proportion of the female workforce in the United States is engaged in what is considered standard working hours; a higher proportion of women work non-standard hours of more than 48 hours a week in Mexico. In Canada, a higher proportion of women work between 35 and 39 hours a week, which, in many employment situations there, is considered standard, full-time employment.

In all three countries the proportion of female workers working more than 48 hours per week has increased. In Canada, the rate rose from 5.2 percent to 7.4 percent between 1984 and 1995; in the United States, it increased from 7.8 percent in 1984 to 11.4 percent in 1996; while in Mexico, the proportion increased from 14.4 percent to 17.7 percent from 1991 to 1996. Mexico and the United States have experienced declines in the proportion of females working between 40 and 48 hours per week, while in Canada, reductions occurred in the percentage of women working between 35 and 39 hours per week.

Employment stability

Graph 17 shows that female employment stability, measured in terms of job tenure, is significantly lower than the stability of male employment. This situation may be explained in part by women’s family responsibilities, including maternity leave and other separations from employment for family care. In Canada, it has been noted that almost two-thirds of women who had been in the labor force experienced an interruption in work of six months or more; family reasons were the main factors explaining the work interruptions.22 Measures of job tenure are similar in Canada and Mexico, but different in the US. For Canada and Mexico, figures refer to the number of consecutive years of work for the current or last employer. For the United States, data refers to the average number of years worked with the current employer and covers wage and salaried workers only. In 1996, average employment tenure of 7.1 years was reported for Canadian women workers, while the figure for men stood at 8.9 years. In Mexico, women workers had been employed an average of 6.7 years with their current or last employer, while the figure for men stood at 8.4 years. In the United States, the average job tenure for wage and salaried female workers was 6.1 years in February 1996; the figure for men stood at 7.3 years.

Compared to the situation in previous years, in Canada men’s tenure has remained almost flat, at an average of 8.7 years during the period 1984-1996, while women’s job tenure increased from 5.8 years to 7.1 years in the same period. The increasing length of job tenure for women in Canada may be a result of fewer or shorter work interruptions. 23 In Mexico, both women’s and men’s average years worked with the same employer increased, but women’s tenure rose more rapidly during 1991 and 1995. In the United States, men’s job tenure with their current employer fell slightly, while women’s job tenure increased from 5.4 years in 1983 to 6.1 years in 1996.24

Although the average stability of female employment has increased in the three countries (Graph 18), the percentage of women holding jobs for five or less years is still high. As shown in Graph 19, in Mexico 62.6 percent of women workers had an average of five years or less work with the same employer in 1995, in Canada the percentage was 52.7 percent in 1996.

In the United States, the percentage of wage and salaried female workers in jobs of five or less years stood at 56.3 percent in 1996. The higher percentage of work of less than five years’ duration in Mexico may be a result of the younger age structure of female employment in comparison with Canada and the United States, since younger workers generally have shorter average employment tenure.

Educational levels

The average educational levels of the female workforce have improved in the three countries, with the most noteworthy progress reported in Canada and Mexico. This has had a favorable impact on women’s average income levels and has very likely been a factor in the reduction of the salary gap between men and women as well.

In Canada, the average number of years of schooling obtained by the economically active female population of 15 years of age and older stood at 12.9 years in 1996, a marked increased from the 10.7 years average reported in 1976. In the United States in 1995, the female population over the age of 25 had received an average of 12.8 years of education, which was 0.4 years higher than the average noted in 1976. In Mexico, the average educational levels of female workers of 12 years of age or more also increased, from 8.6 years in 1991 to 9.2 years in 1996.

Canada has the most favorable overall pattern of educational levels attained by the female work force. As shown in Graph 20, this country has the lowest percentage of female workers with average educational levels of eight years or less (5.2 percent in 1996), as well as the highest percentage of women with educational levels above the secondary school level (58.2 percent in 1996). In the United States in 1996, these figures stood at 8.2 percent and 45.8 percent, respectively. Mexico has the highest proportion of women with low educational levels. In 1996, nearly half of all female workers had an average educational level of six years or less. Only a third had progressed further than the secondary level.

Earnings

Graph 21 shows that in all three countries, the earnings received by women workers are lower than those received by their male counterparts. In Canada, the average annual earnings of full-time women workers (including wage and salaried workers and self-employed) were 27 percent lower than the average received by men in 1995. In the United States, the median weekly earnings of full-time wage and salaried women were 25 percent lower than those of men in 1996. In Mexico, the average weekly earnings of full-time female workers (including wage and salaried workers and self-employed) were 23.1 percent lower than those of men in 1996.25

Earnings differences between men and women have been reduced in the three countries during the measurement period. In Canada the earnings gap has shown a general narrowing trend from 1984 to 1995. In the United States a similar trend prevailed through 1993; weekly earnings differences then began to increase as of 1994, but current earnings disparities continue to be lower than those prevailing in 1984. In Mexico, the reduction in the earnings gap between 1991-1996 was small.

The reduction of earnings differences between men and women is mainly attributable to a better performance of female remuneration compared to that of men (Graph 22). In Canada, the real average annual earnings of full-time female workers increased by 13.5 percent between 1984 and 1995, while the earnings of male workers grew by only 1.8 percent. Marked divergences in earnings growth between men and women have been observed in Canada since 1990. In the case of the United States, the real weekly earnings of full-time female workers increased by 4.4 percent between 1984 to 1996, while the remuneration of male workers actually fell by 5.7 percent during the same period. The behavior of real earnings for women in the US during this period shows an increasing trend up to 1993; earnings decreased in 1994 and 1995 and remained unchanged in 1996. This performance and the slight recovery of men’s earnings after 1995 have contributed to a recent widening of the pay gap between women and men in the US. In Mexico, the real average remuneration of both male and female workers decreased between 1991 and 1996; but the decrease was slightly less in the case of female workers, at 14.2 percent, compared to a 15.7 percent reduction of men’s earnings.

A number of factors may contribute to the narrowing earnings gap between women and men in the three countries. The increasing educational attainment of women workers has already been mentioned. Changes in the distribution of female employment by age in the three countries is another such factor. As mentioned, from 1984 to 1996 the share of female workers between the ages of 25 and 54 in overall female employment increased, while the share of younger women declined. In general, younger female workers have substantially lower earnings than older female workers in the three countries. For example, in Canada in 1995, average earnings for full-time female workers between the ages of 20 and 24 were 34.7 percent lower than the average for those aged 34 to 44, and 37 percent lower than the figure for women between the ages of 45 and 55. In the United States, for the same age groups, earning differences were 35.6 percent and 38 percent, respectively, in 1996. It should be noted that in the United States, real earnings for younger female workers (between the ages of 16 and 34) decreased, while earnings for older women workers (between the ages of 45 and 54) increased during the period 1984-1996.

Earnings disparities between men and women vary according to the marital status of workers. Generally, earnings of single men and women are more similar than those of married men and women. In Canada in 1995, the average earnings of single, full-time female workers were 5.9 percent lower than those of single men; while the difference between the average earnings of married men and married women was 31.1 percent. In the United States during the same year, the median earnings of single full-time female workers were 4.6 percent lower than those of single men, while the difference increased to 28.8 percent when earnings of married men and married women are compared. For Mexico in 1996, the average earnings of single salaried female workers were actually six percent higher than those of single men, while for married women average earnings were 24.6 percent lower compared to those of married men. It should be noted that married women constitute the largest segment of the female labor force in all three countries.26

Working women in North America are subject to higher levels of poverty. In Canada, working women receiving an average annual income less than or equal to $9,999 Canadian dollars (equivalent to 50 percent of the average annual income) comprised 34 percent of total female employment in 1995. During the same year, the corresponding proportion of men stood at 21.7 percent. In the United States, 6.8 percent of female workers paid on an hourly basis received an annual income equal to or less than the 1995 minimum wage, while a figure of 3.9 percent was reported for men.27 In Mexico, 68 percent of female employment was characterized by incomes less than or equal to twice the 1996 minimum wage, while the percentage for men stood at 59.1 percent.28 At the same time, in Mexico the share of employed females with no income is higher (17.3 percent of total female employment in 1996) than the proportion for men (13.3 percent of total male employment). In both Mexico and the United States, the percentage of men and women earning the minimum wage has decreased considerably during the period from 1984 to 1996.

Another indicator of poverty among women emerges from a comparison of family incomes. In the United States, the average income of families where women are the only financial support29 was 53 percent lower than the average family income in 1993. It should be mentioned that these families accounted for 18.1 percent of total American families in 1993. Thirty-six percent of these families were below the poverty line, while the share of families with husband present below the poverty line stood at 6.5 percent in 1993.30 In Canada, the average family income of families supported by women only31 was 57.5 percent lower than the overall average family income in 1996 and 39 percent lower than the average income of families supported by men only. In the same year, the share of families supported by women with incomes below the poverty line was higher (61 percent) than the proportion for families supported by men with incomes under the poverty line (31 percent).32

In all three countries there is considerable salary dispersion among women workers. For example, in Canada, the average remuneration of female workers in the ninth decile was 78 percent higher than that of the fifth decile in 1994.33 In the United States, salary disparities are even greater: the difference between the remuneration levels reported for the same deciles stood at 108 percent in 1996. In comparison with the situation prevailing in 1981, female salary disparities have remained stable in Canada, while they have grown considerably in the United States, where the ratio between these two deciles was 85 percent in 1981.34 In Mexico in 1992, earnings of female production workers in the manufacturing sector were 78 percent lower than earnings for female executives in the same sector.35

It is worth noting that in Canada, salary dispersion is slightly higher among women than among men. In 1994 the average remuneration of female workers between the ninth and fifth deciles was 78 percent, as mentioned, while for men the remuneration ratio between these two deciles stood at 73 percent. However, in the United States salary dispersion is very similar for both men and women. In Mexico, earnings dispersion of female workers in the manufacturing sector is lower than the earnings dispersion for men. For example, average earnings for female production workers were 78 percent lower than the average earnings for female executives, while for men the ratio increased to 86 percent for a similar comparison.

Factors contributing to salary differences between men and women

Some of the factors that influence salary differences between men and women are levels of education, the difference in average working hours and the structure of female employment by economic sector and by occupational structure. Nevertheless, some studies have found that when earnings of men and women with similar working conditions are compared or when regression analysis are used to take account of the factors mentioned, differences are reduced but do not disappear.

In all three countries, the salary difference between men and women is less at higher educational levels. For example, in Canada in 1995, the average remuneration of full-time female workers with eight years or less education was 30.4 percent lower than the figure for men with the same educational level. At the university education level, this difference fell to 23.9 percent. In the United States, the median remuneration for full-time wage and salaried female workers with an educational profile below secondary level was 24.5 percent lower than the corresponding figure for men with the same educational level in 1995. This difference falls to 15 percent as regards the remuneration of men and women with advanced degrees. In Mexico, the same relationship is present although less marked: 1996 salary differences between men and women stood at 31.9 percent for lower educational levels (0 to 6 years), while the figurefor higher levels (professional, middle and higher education) was 29.6 percent.

As seen in the section on working hours, women in North America generally work fewer hours and are more frequently engaged in part-time employment than men. In Canada, 1995 data shows that female full-time workers worked an average of 40 hours a week, in comparison with 44.3 hours for male full-time workers.36

As mentioned above, the annual earnings of full-time women workers stood at 27 percent less than for full-time men in 1995. In Mexico in 1996, the average number of hours worked by full-time female employees (46.5 hours a week) was less than that of their male counterparts (49 hours a week). In this case, average weekly earnings for full-time female workers were 23.1 percent lower than for men.

With regard to part-time work, earnings of women working part-time are generally lower than those of women working full-time. In Canada, women engaged in part-time work received annual average earnings that were 54 percent lower than those of women working full-time in 1995. In Mexico, the average weekly earnings for women engaged in part-time work in 1996 were 23.9 percent lower than for women working on a full time basis. In the same year in the United States the median weekly earnings of part-time wage and salaried female workers were 64.6 percent lower than those of full-time female workers.

The high concentration of female employment in sectors where average earnings tend to be lower is another factor that affects the earnings differences between men and women in North America. As noted above, female workers are mainly employed in social and personal services and the retail trade sectors. In Canada, relatively low average remuneration levels generally characterize these activities. In the case of social and personal services, average remuneration was 40 percent lower than the national average and for retail trade it was 14 percent lower in 1995. Female employment in these activities accounted for 65.4 percent of total Canadian female employment. In Mexico and the United States, lower average salaries also characterized these sectors, where levels below the national average were reported. Female employment in these sectors accounted for 59.5 percent of total female employment in Mexico and 66.4 percent in the United States in 1996.

Occupational structure is another factor that influences the earnings gap between men and women. Female employment is characterized by a high proportion of women in occupations such as secretaries, saleswomen and personal services in restaurants and hotels or in cleaning activities. Generally, earnings in these occupations are lower than national average earnings level. This situation affects both women and men in these occupations; but a higher portion of women are engaged in them. For example, in Canada in 1995, the average earnings for women in clerical occupations were 41.2 percent lower than for women in natural science occupations, which registered the highest levels of earnings. For men, the earnings difference for the same occupations was also high, at 37 percent. However in 1996 clerical occupations accounted for 25 percent of total female employment, while the share for men was 5.3 percent.

In Mexico in 1996, the average earnings for women in clerical, sales, social services and cleaning services in houses were between 42 percent and 77 percent less than the average earnings for professional women. For men, the differences for the same occupations ranged between 44 percent and 74 percent. However, women in clerical, sales and social and personal services occupations accounted for 58.5 percent of total female employment, compared to 24.6 percent for men.

 

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